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In the economics class, lecturers say corruption often stems from institutional failure and bad governance. It is a global phenomenon generally defined as the use of public office for private gain, which includes the misappropriation of public funds and embezzlement.
This definition aligns with many occurrences in Liberia’s public sector, where misappropriation and embezzlement have become sharp realities confronting the nation and its people.
Liberia remains one of the most corrupt countries in the world, ranking 145th out of 180 countries with a score of 25 on the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index.
This explainer will take a thorough look at corruption in the administration of President Joseph Boakai.
The Boakai administration, inaugurated on January 22 with the promise to “rescue” Liberia from corrupt practices, is nearly ten months into office. The administration appears to be falling short of its good governance priorities. Administrative accountability, which should promote economic efficiency and transparency, leads to growing public dissatisfaction and increased corruption.
One example is Sylvester Grigsby, Minister of State and Presidential Affairs, who demanded US$5 million from the National Social Security and Welfare Corporation (NASCORP) for the president’s inauguration before taking office. This action, unsupported by Liberian law, prompted Representative Yekeh Kolubah to demand an investigation, but that request remains stalled in the committee’s room, leaving Grigsby unscathed and continuing to benefit from his position.
Similarly, Senator Amara Konneh of Gbarpolu County criticised the Ministry of State for bypassing the Public Procurement and Concessions Commission (PPCC) and Public Financial Management (PFM) laws by purchasing SUVs at Grigsby’s instruction. Konneh argues that this blatant violation should lead to Grigsby’s immediate dismissal.
As taught to university students in Liberia, public administration is meant to enhance human welfare. However, many citizens now believe that public organisations exist to serve the interests of public servants more than the public itself. This perception is fueled by actions that show many officials working for personal gain rather than in the national interest, treating the public sector as a ladder for upward social mobility.
Thus, worried by the behaviour of some senior Liberian officials, renowned Liberian cleric Rev. Kortu Brown called on the country’s president to remove corrupt and inept officials from his government. In his article published by FrontPage Africa, Reverend Brown pointedly said that President Boakai should “throw Some Jonah Out of the Ship To Calm Rising National Waves.” FPA, however, observed that:
Mamaka Bility (Minister of State without Portfolio) faced criticism for her involvement in the controversial “yellow machine” deal, where over 200 earth-moving machines were procured without a formal agreement, relying only on a “gentleman’s agreement” between President Boakai and a friend. She has remained silent since.
Roland Layfette Giddings (Minister of Public Works) admitted violating public procurement laws by awarding $22 million in road contracts without competitive bidding. The Senate accepted his apology but warned him to correct future processes.
Rudolph Merab (Managing Director, Forestry Development Authority) approved the export of illegally harvested timber shortly after his appointment. Merab, a former logging offender tied to Charles Taylor’s regime, is under scrutiny for allowing the shipment of 797 logs worth $923,441 to China.
Sekou Dukuly (Managing Director, National Port Authority) issued $53,000 in cheques to a law firm for “court-related matters,” raising concerns about professional ethics. He is also accused of unlawfully dismissing employees to make room for partisans.
Abdullah Kamara (Chairperson, Liberia Telecommunications Authority) allegedly mismanaged $2.6 million intended for Liberia’s Digital Transformation Project, which has not yielded tangible results. Kamara and his commissioners are earning high salaries despite the lack of progress.
Cllr. Cooper Kruah (Minister of Labor) was accused of nepotism, unethical practices, and unlawfully dismissing employees. He is embroiled in a scandal for allegedly defrauding a Liberian company, MARDCO, by deducting $58,814 from its funds for personal use.
Dr Louise Mapleh Kpoto (Minister of Health) was criticised for mishandling a healthcare workers’ strike in Lofa County over a contested appointment. She has faced criticism for her broader health sector management, including the dismissal of improperly recruited workers.
Francis Nyumalin (Minister of Internal Affairs) faced legal issues after defaulting on an $85,000 debt to Ecobank. A local court has ordered the sale of his assets, and there are calls for his resignation due to his actions being seen as unbecoming for a public official.
One recent case is that of Amin Modad, former chairman of the ruling Unity Party and Minister of Commerce. Modad resigned amid accusations of abuse of power following his insistence on using a US$96,000 vehicle, funded through a deal involving a foreign investor, MedTech, instead of the government-assigned vehicle. The Liberia Revenue Authority (LRA) confirmed that US$96,000 was approved from the Customs Capacity Building Fund under a contract with MedTech for the purchase of vehicles, but activist Martin Kollie, who is leading a legal campaign on behalf of the Liberian people, questioned the LRA’s authority in allocating public resources. Kollie asserts that, under the PFM law, Part II Section 10(2), the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning is responsible for such matters. Modad’s resignation has sparked public outrage, with calls for the LRA Commissioner General to step down and face an investigation.
Unfortunately, no corruption prosecution has been brought against any officials in the examples of corruption and misappropriation of funds cited.
It is not as if the country is a stranger to corruption. The canker has long plagued Liberia. President Weah, who vowed to end it in 2018, saw three top officials sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury for public sector corruption. Although no current government officials have faced sanctions, concerns persist. Critics point to a controversial deal involving heavy yellow machinery as a warning sign.
Like Weah, former President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf also struggled with corruption.
Adebayo Adedeji, former Executive Secretary of the UN Economic Commission for Africa, once observed that African public services had lost their mission to serve the public interest within a quarter-century of independence, becoming self-serving and self-aggrandising. This observation holds true for Liberia, where public officials’ titles are often valued more for the salaries and perks they bring than for their potential to improve the lives of millions who are hungry, uneducated, and poorly housed.
The 2024 national budget underscores this imbalance. Of the projected US$692.4 million revenue, US$643.7 million will be spent on recurrent expenses, including salaries and benefits for public officials. In comparison, only US$95.1 million is allocated to public sector investment in critical areas such as education, health, and economic development. This discrepancy reflects the troubling reality that many public servants in Liberia are more focused on serving themselves than the people they are meant to serve.
The Way Forward
The Executive Director of the Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia, Anderson Miamen, expressed deep concern over the state of corruption in the country. He emphasised that corruption undermines economic efficiency, needed for inclusive and sustainable growth and development.
“Corruption in public procurement and contracts leads to poor execution or abandonment of projects, substandard services, and the production of low-quality goods at high costs,” Miamen stated.
Lawrence Yealue heads the Accountability Lab in Liberia, a civil society group promoting.
Transparency and Accountability. He said preventive anti-corruption approach messages, especially teaching young people the benefits of being corruption-free means.
Another approach, he added, “prosecution and prosecuting people is good, and it is one way to go.”
