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Umar works as an assistant in a provision store in Kano, Nigeria, where shelves brim with items kissed by the sun and dust. After secondary school, this was the only job available. Still, he barely makes ends meet these days as his spending skyrocketed due to inflation, which surged to over 34.19% amidst fuel price increases, among other economic hardships.
In August, the economic struggle culminated in a protest tagged #EndBadGovernance. Like many others, Umar saw this as an opportunity to demand change. “I wanted to share my grievances,” he said.
Four days into the protest that began on August 1st, something unexpected appeared—Russian flags waved by demonstrators in the northern cities of Kano, Jos, and Kaduna.
Umar was one of those who waved the flags. “I waved the flag,” he admits. He had been invited by a friend to a meeting in Hotoro, in Kano, where they were handed Russian flags and told that they symbolise freedom.
His friend, who was also arrested for waving the Russian flag, insisted it was the right thing to do at that time. The sight of Russian flags in West African protests is not new but it was the first of such in Nigeria. In the months preceding military coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, similar flags filled the streets.
Yet, one individual who benefited from this wave of discontent is Sani Abbas, a Kano-based TikTok influencer with over 100,000 followers.
“During the protest, I made a lot of money,” Abbas said. He told this reporter he was paid by a Telegram channel called “Africa Initiative.” Telegram, a widely used messaging platform in Nigeria, with approximately 54% of internet users aged 16 to 64 reporting usage as of the third quarter of 2022, played a pivotal role in organising and disseminating information during these protests.
Abbas posted videos calling for Russia’s intervention in Nigeria.
“We dropped pictures and videos about the protest on the channel and picked narratives to share online, especially on TikTok and Instagram.”
He added that the channel supplied influencers like him with talking points like “Putin please come and save Nigeria,” “The army is the answer for Nigeria” and urged them to spread these narratives across social media platforms using the hashtag #Zangazanga (a Hausa word for protest) and #putin, #rusiya (Hausa word for Russia in Hausa).
We tracked the accounts and narratives on TikTok that directly relate to Sani’s account, focusing on videos posted between August 5th and 11th. We identified 38 accounts that shared similar content promoting pro-Russian narratives and military takeovers. See the list below. See list
Analysing “Africa Initiative” Telegram channel
Telegram has become a medium for disinformation in Africa, with minimal content moderation allowing harmful narratives to spread unchecked. Channels like ‘Africa Initiative’ have been instrumental in promoting pro-Russian sentiments and calls for military intervention, directly influencing actions such as the display of Russian flags during Nigerian protests. This unregulated environment has positioned Telegram as a significant tool in the dissemination of foreign disinformation, impacting political sentiments and public behaviour across the continent.
Using Tgstat, a Telegram analysis tool, we accessed the channel ‘Africa Initiative,’ which describes itself as a ‘Russian information agency about events in Africa.’ The channel has versions in Arabic, French, English, Portuguese, and Spanish. It is filled with narratives about the Russia/Africa relationship and pro-coup posts that praise Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali. The channel also references its website: afrinz.ru.
The subscriber analysis data from Tgstat revealed that the channel was created in October 2023, with around 200 subscribers at that time. However, by the end of June 2024, just two months before the protests in Nigeria, the channel experienced consistent growth, reaching approximately 50,000 subscribers. This growth continued steadily throughout July, August, and September.
The table above illustrates how the ‘African Initiative’ channel attracts traffic from other Telegram channels. It includes the channel’s number of mentions, the total monthly reach of these mentions, and the increase in new subscribers for each specified month.
Another dataset indicated that during June, July, and August, the channel saw a significant increase in new participants and extensive reach. However, this growth sharply declined in September and October following the protests.
The average number of interactions also increased sporadically during the protests around July and August.
The screenshot shows an unusual increase in the number of interactions on the Africa Initiative Telegram channel during the protest.
The channel’s incoming and outgoing mentions indicate that it is connected to other pro-Russian disinformation channels related to Africa. For example, the U.S. Department of State has listed ‘Smile & Wave’ and ‘Africa Korps’ as Telegram channels organising and spreading ‘deadly’ disinformation in Africa.
The Africa Initiative channel was found to have regularly posted about the protests around the time the Russian flags appeared. In one instance, a post on the channel claimed that, through a ‘small OSINT analysis’ they conducted, they identified who was behind the protests in Nigeria, referring to Western politicians. The post suggested that poverty and political instability are becoming tools for Western ‘exporters of democracy.’ In another post, dated August 7, 2024, they labelled the protests as ‘anti-government rallies.’
A screenshot of a post from the Africa Initiative channel regarding the protests, in which the protests were labelled as ‘anti-government rallies
Yet, in another post, Africa Initiative referenced an unnamed TikTok user to have been sharing the Russian videos and flags on X and yet another unnamed “local resident” who allegedly told them that “The protesters don’t seem to be affiliated with any pro-Russian group. They just made amateur flags — this suggests that pro-Russian sentiments are developing organically.”
In another post, Africa Initiative referenced an unnamed TikTok user whom they alleged to be willingly sharing Russian videos and flags on his account. They also quoted a ‘resident’ who allegedly stated,
“The protesters don’t seem to be affiliated with any pro-Russian group. They just made amateur flags that suggest that pro-Russian sentiments are developing organically,” referring to the fact that the protesters were waving the flags naturally.
The above screenshot shows a post from Africa Initiative about the protest, which references an unknown “TikTok user” and “one local resident” saying the protesters waving Russian flags during the protest were organic.
Around the time the narrative of protesters waving Russian flags was prevalent, the Africa Initiative’s Rutube channel—a Russian equivalent of YouTube—was filled with videos of the protests.
Here’s a screenshot of the Africa Initiative Rutube channel, which is riddled with videos from the protest to the others found on TikTok.
To gain a deeper understanding of the channel’s discussions, we downloaded the chats and multimedia previously published there. Our findings revealed that the channel had been sharing pro-Russian content about the Nigerian protests even before the issue went viral online.
For instance, the following content was posted on the channel on August 4th, a day before Russian flags first appeared on the streets of Northern Nigeria.
A downloaded file document from the channel contains multiple pieces of content related to the protests in Nigeria. Especially as it relates to the waving of the Russian flags
For example, the content below was published on the channel on August 4th, a day before the flags began appearing on the streets of Northern Nigeria.
A screenshot of video files from the downloaded contents of the Telegram channel shows videos with similar pro-Russian narratives to those seen on TikTok, which were published on the channel earlier.
Telegram’s role in disseminating disinformation has grown steadily, particularly across Africa, where limited moderation allows narratives to spread unchecked. This environment enabled platforms like the ‘Africa Initiative’ channel to flourish, using tactics similar to those seen in other regional conflicts. In Mali and Burkina Faso, for instance, pro-Russian propaganda circulated widely on Telegram, echoing calls for military rule while portraying Russia as an ally against Western influence, as stated by the US Department of State.
Telegram’s minimal content moderation, emphasis on user privacy, and support for large public channels have made it a fertile ground for disinformation campaigns. These features allow actors like the ‘Africa Initiative’ to effectively disseminate pro-Russian narratives, as observed by the US Department of State Mali and Burkina Faso. The platform’s resistance to external regulation further complicates efforts to monitor and control such content.
On 25 August, two weeks after the protest in Nigeria, Pavel Durov, Telegram’s CEO, was arrested in Paris Airport on account of suspected complicity in allowing illicit transactions, drug trafficking, fraud and the spread of child sex abuse images on the Telegram platform. The Africa Centre for Strategic Studies says following the coup in Burkina Faso in October 2022, Telegram groups hinted at Niger as the future target. A future that has now been realised.
“Disinformation networks connected to the Wagner Group twice sought to spark rumours of a coup in Niger, including through what appears to have been a carefully orchestrated online scheme coinciding with a trip abroad by President Bazoum in February 2023,” the Centre says.
Telegram, a widely used messaging platform in Nigeria, played a pivotal role in organising and disseminating information during these protests. However, when approached, through its open contact interface for comment regarding its role in the dissemination of disinformation during the protests, Telegram has yet to respond as of press time.
Experts have highlighted the dangers of Telegram’s minimal content moderation, which allows harmful narratives to spread unchecked. While it is challenging to verify each case individually, evidence suggests that Telegram was used significantly by those who hijacked the protest to propagate disinformation, which eventually led to the arrest of many participants. The platform’s features, such as encrypted messaging and large group capabilities, facilitated the rapid spread of misleading information, contributing to the escalation of events that resulted in numerous arrests of underage children.
Although the Nigerian Police Force has yet to respond to our inquiry regarding its readiness to handle such situations, reports indicate that it faces significant challenges in detecting and countering disinformation on platforms like Telegram.
Telegram’s focus on user privacy and encryption creates substantial barriers for law enforcement, making effective monitoring difficult. Additionally, the NPF lacks adequate digital forensic infrastructure and resources. Its digital forensics unit is both understaffed and overwhelmed by caseloads, further hindering its ability to investigate cyber-related crimes effectively.
But who is behind the Africa Initiative?
Using Who.is, the data shows that the Africa Initiative website was created in September 2023 under a state organisation called “Initsiativa 23,” which translates to “Initiative 23” in English.
A screenshot showing the African Initiative website is created and managed by Initiative-23., an organisation run by Kureyev Artem Sergeyevich, a Russian secret service agent.
A Google search for “Initsiativa 23” revealed a report by the U.S. Department of State identifying Artem Sergeyevich Kureyev as the Chief Editor of the Africa Initiative. He is also the General Director of “Initsiativa 23,” the same organisation that registered the Africa Initiative. The report further disclosed that this organisation is publicly registered at an office in Moscow. Additionally, it has local offices in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, and Bamako, Mali, where it hosts events. Kureyev is described as an agent of the FSB, the Russian Federal Security Service.
On its website, “African Initiative” describes itself as a Russian news agency with the goal of mutually expanding Russian and African knowledge about each other.
“We tell the Russian audience about the many opportunities for Russia in Africa, about the people of the continent, about the neo-colonial legacy that African countries have been struggling with for decades, about the activities of our military, businessmen, doctors, and journalists on the continent.”
Since the protests took place, the Russian flags waved by the protesters have ignited a deeper debate about Nigeria’s democracy. Jamiu Folarin, a Department of Mass Communication Crescent University lecturer, warned that displaying Russian flags is a dangerous sign for Nigeria’s sovereignty. “It’s as if foreign influence is creeping into Nigeria’s democratic process, which could lead to destabilisation,” he says.
Mr Folarin’s concerns go beyond the immediate protests. He points to the region’s proximity to Niger, where similar unrest has led to a military coup. “Nigeriens living in northern Nigeria may have influenced their Nigerian counterparts,” he adds, raising fears that the spread of Russian influence in Africa could further destabilise the region.
Other angles to the story
The narrative found willing participants. In Jos, Mustapha, a former cabbage seller, also waved the Russian flag, believing it represented military strength.
“Mallam Tafida told us the flag means a military takeover,” Mustapha explains. Desperate after losing his business to inflation, Mustapha was vulnerable to the promise of change—any change. He recalls seeing an image of Nigeria’s president standing before a flag, which fueled his belief that this was a symbol of power, not foreign influence.
The flag circled red, next to President Tinubu, that Mustapha referenced.
But the reality was far different. Mallam Tafida, a businessman from Abuja, had been distributing Russian flags in Jos and was nowhere to be found when protests turned chaotic.
Both pictures show the same location in Jos, specifically Old Airport Road, where the protest with Russian flags was intense. The first image was taken during the protest, while the second was taken afterwards.
As the protests spread, Saleh, a TikToker from Kaduna, openly admitted to supporting a military takeover, even after his friends were arrested for sewing the Russian flags.
“We employed children to wave the flags,” Saleh explained, recounting how he offered bread to hungry children in Zaria, specifically in Kwangila, to convince them to join the protest. Most of these children had no idea what the flags represented; they were simply grateful for a meal. We visited the area and spoke with some of the children, who confirmed their involvement. The minors had been held since August and were brought to court in November, appearing malnourished and exhausted. During the court proceedings, some of the minors collapsed due to exhaustion, highlighting concerns about their treatment while in detention.
In response to public outcry and advocacy from human rights organisations, President Bola Tinubu ordered the immediate release of the 29 minors facing the death penalty for their alleged involvement in the protests.
But what now happens to Telegram for hosting this issue? To address the challenges of enforcing Nigeria’s Cybercrimes Act against disinformation on platforms like Telegram, it’s essential to understand the legal and technical obstacles involved. Barrister Saminu Mohamed explains that Telegram’s strong encryption and minimal content moderation make it difficult for authorities to monitor and trace malicious activities. Additionally, the platform’s servers are often located outside Nigeria, complicating jurisdictional enforcement.
“The Cybercrimes Act aims to prevent and prosecute cyber offences, including the dissemination of false information. However, the Act’s effectiveness is limited when dealing with encrypted platforms that resist external regulation. There is a need for international cooperation and updated legal frameworks to address the complexities of modern digital communication,” the Barrister said.
This is a picture taken at Zaria, Kwangila, with children willing to take money, 50 Naira each, to do what they are told.
When we reached out to the police concerning the arrests, Muyiwa Adejobi, spokesperson of the Nigeria police force (NPF), confirmed that the “organisers” of the protests were using children to fly foreign flags.
“The Nigeria Police Force has issued a stern warning against the display of foreign flags during protests and calls for a military takeover, categorising such actions as treasonable felonies under Nigerian law,” he said. When asked if any of the protesters waving the flags were arrested, the police spokesperson said, “we have more than 90 of them arrested with the Russian flags.”
The acclaimed sponsors are yet to be discovered. At least, that was what the Security chiefs from the armed forces and police, among others, hinted when they gave a joint briefing alleging that unnamed “sponsors” were seeking to undermine the government without providing evidence.
“The sponsors behind these protests remain unknown,” security chiefs stated during a joint briefing. However, they clarified that those seeking to subvert the government would be dealt with harshly.
A lawyer, Saminu Mohamed, explained the complexities of the situation. While waving a foreign flag isn’t inherently illegal, in the context of these protests—where demonstrators were calling for a military takeover—it became a treasonable offence under Nigerian law.
The Penal Code’s Section 410 addresses acts that undermine the president, with treason carrying the death penalty. However, police spokesperson Mansir Hassan offered some explanations in Kaduna: 39 people had been arrested there, including a tailor who was “sewing the foreign flags for the group.” Close to 40 Russian flags and a Chinese one were confiscated, he said.
While in Kano, the police spokesperson explained that the largest number of arrests was made. In fact, the magistrate was moved there by the police headquarters, and that is where the trial is ongoing right now. Tailors have also been arrested in Kano state for “making Russian flags.”
The spokesperson said investigations are still ongoing to uncover the “sponsors.”
“In the police headquarters in Kano now, you will find out that arrested persons are already being tried. So, we are not keeping them indefinitely,” he assured.
Maxime Koami Domegni, a media development expert and the Francophone Africa Regional Editor at the Global Investigative Journalism Network, has been covering Russian narratives and military coups in Africa. He noted that issues such as prolonged leadership seeking to remain in power and insecurity have made it easier for foreign interference to occur in some African countries.
“The new authorities, arriving with promises and grand nationalist or pan-Africanist speeches, are welcomed as saviours. However, we are beginning to see that beyond the rhetoric, real progress is hard to identify, and dissenting voices are being silenced or forced into exile.”
When asked about the actors responsible for these developments, Mr. Domegni stated that it is difficult to pinpoint the real actors without in-depth investigations. “It could be that these gestures are manipulated by those with a vested interest in seeing these flags displayed on the streets of Nigeria, including Russian diplomats or their proxies in the region.”
He also added that it might simply be the actions of ordinary citizens who have no real sponsors but have been swayed by the rhetoric that Russia could be a saviour or ally in their quest for a better Nigeria.
“One thing is certain: two or three years ago, very few West Africans could identify the Russian flag among others. Today, seeing demonstrators in Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, or elsewhere displaying a Russian flag has become a regular occurrence.”
Rumours of another protest were set for October 1st, Nigeria’s Independence Day, but that day has come and gone with far less activity than in August.
Additionally, the Russian embassy in Nigeria denied any involvement in a statement on its website, asserting, “The Government of the Russian Federation, as well as any Russian officials, are not involved in these activities and do not coordinate them in any way,” during a televised address.
